If you care about the messy
similarity of politics and sausage making, I recommend you read Who Runs Georgia? Calvin Kytle and James
A. Mackay’s book—about 1947 politics—underscores that Gold Dome hijinks haven’t
changed much in the past 72 years.
When the current coal-ash controversy
kicked into high gear in 2016, a former governor called and asked, “Have you
read Who Runs Georgia?”
I said,
“Yes, years ago.”
“Well, read
it again,” he said. “You’ll see why
you’ll have trouble getting any new laws to protect the environment against
coal-ash pollution.”
Not only did
I reread the paperback; I bought a dozen copies to distribute.
The recurring theme is that big money of big businesses
has a big say in how Georgia was run
back then and today.
Delta is an
example. The airline stacks billions of dollars on its bottom line. That’s good
for our state’s economy, employing thousands of Georgians. We are proud to have
Delta as a part of Georgia’s brand. When I fly, Delta is my first choice. I
show my loyalty and appreciation for
a Georgia-based company.
Delta—with its enormous profits—has, again, rattled
its tin cup under the Gold Dome to get an estimated $40 million jet-fuel tax
break. Why? The simplest answer is that Delta knew it could ask, twist the
right arms and receive. Other
airlines benefit, too. Read about that kind of behavior in Who Runs Georgia?
Georgia Power is another example of
“who runs Georgia,” since way before 1947. Look at what’s happened in 2016,
2017, 2018 and 2019. Every proposed bill pertaining to coal ash has been gutted
or killed. Nothing moves out of the House’s committee on Natural Resources and
Environment unless it gets Georgia Power’s stamp of approval. The Senate’s committee
reflects the same.
In the 1930s and 1940s, Fred Wilson,
assistant to the president of Georgia Power, was known as the company’s General
Assembly “fixer.” He reportedly “controlled” at least 50 men in the
legislature, whom he could count on when his company came under fire. Fred
Wilson is dead, but the utility giant’s “fixing” strategy still lives.
Who Runs Georgia? tells of Georgia Power’s historical practice of retaining hordes of
lawyers and lobbyists, even if they aren’t used. The ploy of the past is the
same plan today—to keep those people from working against them. When the
company got special-legislation protection on cost overruns at Plant Vogtle, an
estimated 80 lobbyists were employed.
In 2019, you’ll run out of fingers
and toes counting Georgia Power’s registered lobbyists. I could count at least
30 influence peddlers. There appears to be no limit on spending for lobbyists.
Consider Newnan and Coweta County,
home of Rep. Lynn Smith. She chairs the House’s Natural Resources and
Environment committee. Georgia Power has a coal-fired plant in Newnan, along
with leaking toxic coal-ash ponds. Arthur “Skin” Edge, an attorney/lobbyist,
also lives in Newnan.
Georgia Power knows the value of
having Edge and others—well-connected and powerful—on its payroll. That’s why former
Gov. Nathan Deal and his chief of staff, Chris Riley, are expected to be
retained as lobbyists, too.
I was warned, “Rep. Smith doesn’t like to hear from people outside her district. It
makes her mad.” Because she refuses to answer my emails—requesting an
appointment—that assessment seems to be true.
Georgia’s natural resources and
environment are not the property of just House District 70. Those precious
assets belong to 10 million Georgians. All voices should be heard.
Just as I enjoy supporting and flying
on Delta, I really appreciate the good Georgia Power does. We need strong
corporations to enhance our state, but it’s time to cleanse the messy sausage
making of laws, as outlined in Who Runs
Georgia?
The Gold Dome must quit jumping every
time Georgia Power and other corporate powerhouses yell, “Frog!”
dnesmith@cninewspapers.com
